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THE   RICH   AGAINST  THE  POOR. 


THE 


LABOURING   CLASSES, 


BY 


REPRINTED    FROM    THE 


BOSTON  GtUARTERLY  REVIEW, 


OF  JULY,  1840. 


READ    AND    DIGEST. 


SOLD  AT  ELTCKVS  PUBLICATION  OFFICES, 
13  DIVISION-STREET,   104  NASSAU-ST.,  CORNER  OF   ANN,  290  BOWERY,  AND  ALL 

I  THE  PRINCIPAL  BOOKSELLERS  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


Six  Cents  single. 


Four  Dollars  Per  Hundred. 


PREFATORY  NOTE. 


The  following  article  is  repnWiehed  from  the  Boston  Quarterly  Review  to  meet  the  pre»g- 
ing  demand  tor  it,  which  a  needless  excitement  about  it  has  produced. 

The  writer  ofthia  article  makes  it  a  duly  to  read  all  that  he  can  find  written  against  either 
him  or  his  doctrines ;  but  he  feeis  under  no  obligations  to  reply.  The  doctrines  of  the  arti- 
cle in  question  have  been  objected  to,  but  he  will  now  enter  into  no  defei  ce  of  them.  He 
will  only  say  that  he  has  seen  no  criticism  upon  them  that  indicates  that  the  critic  had  even 
the  most  distant  conception  of  the  thought  of  his  author.  The  majority  of  those  who  ob- 
ject to  the  article,  are  respectfully  commended  to  the  care  of  the  instructors  in  our  primary 
schools  ;  for  if  they  could  read  they  would  find  that  the  article  itself  refutes  most  of  the  ob- 
jections they  urge. 

In  regard  to  what  is  said  of  the  hereditary  descent  of  property,  it  may  be  well  for  refders 
to  bear  in  mind  that  the  article  contains  but  a  brief  statement  of  a  doctrine  without  any  ex- 
planations or   details  ;  and,  also,  that  in  proposing  the  abolition  of  hereditary  property,  it 
merely  does  it  as  a  prospective  measure,  as  a  measure  which  will  ultimately  be  found  neceg^. 
sary  to  the  complete  enfranchisement  of  the  proletary.    The  writer  of  the  article  recognizes,! 
in  its  fullest  extent,  man's  natural  right  to  property,  and  he  would  be  the  last  to  suffer  the 
legislature  to  interfere  with  any  of  the  natural  rights  of  man.    He  advocates  no  wild  scheme 
of  a  community  of  goods;  he  holds  to  individual  property.  Within  the  limits  of  the  moral  law, 
he  would  leave  every  free  ma.,  to  do  what  he  will  with  hip  own.     But  it  is  an   admitted  prin- 
ciple that  a  man's  natural  right  to  property  ceases  when  he  ceases  to  exist.    In  other  words, 
man  can  own  property  only  during  his  life.     It  is  al»o  an  admitted   principle,  that  it  is  not  by 
virtue  of  a  natural  right  that  the  child  inherits  from  the  father.    Consequently,  the  right  by 
which  a  man  disposes  of  his  property  by  a  will  effective  after  his  death,  and  by  which  a  child 
«ucceed«  to  the  paternal  estate,  M  not  a  natural  right,  but  a  legal  right.    It  exists  by  virtue  of  * 
positive  law,  which  society  has  enacted.     Now  the   writer  of  the  article  in  question  obj 


to  thi?  law,  and  contends  that  another  and  better  law  regulating  the  descent  of  properly  from 
one  eeneration  to  another,  may  be  devised,  and  must  he  before  the  true  elevation  and  inde- 
pendence of  the  laboring  classes  can  be  effected.  This  point  will  be  good  hereafter.  AH 
that  fee  would  say  now  is  that\he  makes  no  attack  on  the  right  of  property,  thai  he  proposes 
to  dist-  rb  no  man  in  his  possessions,  nor  to  plunder  any  man  of  aught  he  hap.  1  He  simply 
coft'ends  that  in  the  future  progress  of  the  race  it  w«ll  he  necessary  to  change  the  mode  by 
which  property  descends.  The  change  he  contends  for  i*  precisely  the  same  in  principle 
with  that,  by  which  primogeniture  and  entail  were  abolishrd.  By  contendins  that  property 
flhoold  go  to  the  state  at  a  man's  deceas",  h«  by  no  means  intends  to  convey  the  idea,  lhat 
the  private  property  of  a  man  on  bis  decease  becomes  pub'ic  property,  and  may  therefore  go 
into  the  public  treasury,  or  be  used  for  public  purposes.  It  goes  to  he  state  in  point  of  fact 
no  more  than  now.  AH  the  writer  means  is,  that  th«  state  *o  Tar  takes  the  control  of  tha 
matter,  as  by  a  uniform  and  equitable  law,  to  say  how  what  has  cfwed  to  be  one  man's 
propertv  phall  be  r^-appropriated,  or  become  the  property  tii  another.  Toi»  would  in  reality 
give  the  state  no  more  control  over  property  than  it  now  in  theory  claims  and  is  admitted  to 
have. 

Bur  However  this  all  may  be,  no  on«  can  read  the  article  wiih^uf  perceiving  that  the  writnr  / 
would  by  no  means  prooose  this  as  a  measure  for  the  immediate  action  of  the  community.   J 
There  is' a  time  for  all  things.    The  time  for  discussion  is  whenever  the  public  can  be  inter- 
ested in  the  subject  discussed.    The  time  for  carry.ng  a  measure  into  execution  is  only  when 
the  public  very  generally  demand  it,  when  the  public  conscience  cannot  do  without  i%  and 
when  ir  can  be  introduced  with  some  prospect  of  its  being  permanent  and  <ff  c'ive.   But  the 
writer  is  pleased  that  he  has  alarmeH  our  staunoh  conservativea.     It  will  do  them  good,  and 
compel  them  by  and  by  to  set  their  feces  towards  the  future. 

Boetoa,  July  23;  1840.  O.  A.  B. 


THE  LABOURING   CLASSES. 


THOMAS  CARLYLE  *  unquestionably  ranks  among  the  ablest  writers  of  the 
"day.  His  acquaintance  with  literature  seems  to  be  almost  universal,  and 
there  is  apparemly  no  art  or  science  witn  which  he  is  not  familiar.  He 
possesses  an  unrivalled  mastery  over  the  resources  of  the  English  tongue,  a 
remarkably  keen  insight  into  the  mysteries  of  human  nature,  and  a  Jarge 
share  of  genuine  poetic  feeling.  His  works  are  characterized  by  freshness 
and  power,  as  well  as  by  strangeness  and  singularity,  and  must  be  read  with 
interest  even  when  they  cannot  be  with  approbation. 

The  little  work,  named  at  the  head  of  this  article,  is  a  fair  sample  of  his 
peculiar  excellencies,  and  also  of  his  peculiar  defects.  As  a  work  intended 
to  excite  attention  and  lead  the  mind  to  an  investigation  of  a  great  subject, 
it  possesses  no  ordinary  value  ;  but  as  a  work  intended  to  throw  light  on  a 
•difficult  question,  and  to  afford  some  positive  directions  to  the  statesman 
and  the  philanthropist,  it  is  not  worth  much.  Carlyle,  like  his  imitators  in 
this  country,  though  he  declaims  against  the  destructives,  possesses  in  no 
sense  a  constructive  genius.  He  is  good  as  a  deinolisher,  but  pitiable  enough 
as  a  builder.  No  man  sees  more  clearly  that  the  present  is  defective  and 
unworthy  to  be  retained ;  he  is  a  brave  and  successful  warrior  against  it, 
whether  reference  be  had  to  its  literature,  its  politics,  its  phriosophy>  or  its 
religion;  but  when  the  question  comes  up  concerning  what  ought  to  be, 
what  should  take  the  place  of  what  is,  we  regret  to  say,  he  affords  us  no 
essential  aid,  scarcely  a  useful  hint.  He  has  fine  spiritual  instincts,  has 
outgrown  materialism,  loathes  skepticism,  sees  clearly  the  absolute  necessity 
of  faith  in  both  God  and  man,  and  insists  upon  it  with  due  sincerity  and 
earnestness  ;  but  with  feelings  very  nearly  akin  to  despair.  He  does  not 
appear  to  have  found  as  yet  a  faith  for  himself,  and  his  writings  have  almost 
invariably  a  skeptical  tendency.  He  has  doubtless  a  sort  of  faith  in  God,  of 
an  overwhelming  Necessity,  but  we  cannot  perceive  that  he  has  any  faith  in 
man  or  in  man's  efforts.  Society  is  wrong,  but  he  mocks  at  our  sincerest 
^and  best  directed  efforts  to  right  it.  It  cannot  subsist  as  it  is ;  that  is  clear : 
but  what  shall  be  done  to  make  it  what  it  ought  to  be,  that  he  saith  not.  Of 
all  writers  we  are  acquainted  with,  he  is  the  least  satisfactory.  He  is  dis- 
satisfied with  every  thing  himself,  and  he  leaves  his  readers  dissatisfied  with 
everything.  Hopeless  himself,  he  makes  them  also  hopeless,  especially  if 
they  have  strong  social  tendencies,  and  are  hungering  and  thirsting  to  work 
out  the  regeneration  of  their  race. 

Mr.  Carlyle's  admirers,  we  presume,  will  demur  to  this  criticism.  We 
have  heard  some  of  them  speak  of  him  as  a  sort  of  soul-quickener,  and  pra- 

*  Chartism.     By  Thomas  Carlyle. 


6 

fess  to  derive  from  his  writings  fresh  life  and  courage.  We  know  not  how 
this  may  be.  It  may  be  that  they  derive  advantage  from  him  on  the 
homoeopathic  principle,  and  that  he  cures  their  diseases  by  exaggerating 
them  ;  but  for  ourselves  we  must  say,  that  we  have  found  him  anything  but 
a  skilful  physician.  He  disheartens  and  enfeebles  us ;  and  while  he  eman- 
cipates us  from  the  errors  of  tradition,  he  leaves  us  without  strength  or 
courage  to  engage  in  the  inquiry  after  truth.  We  rise  from  his  writings 
with  the  weariness  and  exhaustion  one  does  from  the  embraces  of  the  Witch 
Mara.  It  is  but  slowly  that  our  blood  begins  to  circulate  again,  and  it  is 
long  before  we  recover  the  use  of  our  powers.  Whether  his  writings  pro- 
duce this  effect  on  others  or  not,  we  are  unable  to  say  ;  but  this  effect  they  do 
produce  on  us.  We  almost  dread  to  encounter  them. 

Mr.  Carlyle  would  seem  to  have  great  sympathy  with  man.  He  certainly 
is  not  wanting  in  the  sentiment  of  Humanity ;  nor  is  he  deceived  by  external 
position,  or  dazzled  by  factitious  glare.  He  can  see  worth  in  the  socially  low 
as  well  as  in  the  socially  high  •;  in  the  artizan  as  well  as  the  noble.  This 
is  something,  but  no  great  merit  in  one  who  can  read  the  New  Testament. 
Still  it  is  something,  and  we  are  glad  to  meet  it.  But  after  all,  he  has 
no  true  reverence  for  Humanity.  He  may  offer  incense  to  a  Goethe,  a 
Jean  Paul,  a  Mirabeau,  a  Danton,  a  Napoleon,  but  he  nevertheless  looks  down 
upon  his  fellows,  and  sneers  at  the  mass.  He  looks  down^upon  man  as 
one  of  his  admirers  has  said,  "  as  if  man  were  a  mouse."  [But  we  do  not 
wish  to  look  upon  man  in  that  light.  We  would  look  upon  him  as  a  brother, 
an  equal,  entitled  to  our  love  and  sympathy.  We  would  feel  ourselves 
neither  above  him  nor  below  him,  but  standing  up  by  his  side,  with  our  feet 
on  the  same  level  with  his.  We  would  also  love  and  respect  the  common- 
place mass,  not  merely  heroes  and  sages,  prophets  and  priesfsT] 

We  are,  moreover,  no  warm  admirers  of  Carlyle's  style ~oi  writing  We 
acknowledge  his  command  over  the  resources  of  oar  language,  and  we  enjoy 
the  freshness,  and  occasional  strength,  beauty,  and  felicity  of  his  style  and 
expression,  but  he  does  not  satisfy  us.  He  wants  clearness  and  precision, 
and  that  too  when  writing  on  topics  where  clearness  and  precision  are  ail  but 
indispensible.  We  have  no  patience  with  his  mistiness,  vagueness,  and 
singularity.  If  a  man  must  needs  write  and  publish  his  thoughts  to  the 
world,  let  him  do  it  in  as  clear  and  as  intelligible  language  as  possible.  We 
are  not  aware  of  any  subject  worth  writing  on  at  all,  that  is  already  so  plain 
that  it  needs  to  be  rendered  obscure.  Carlyle  can  write  well  if  he  chooses ; 
no  man  better.  He  is  not  necessarily  rrmty,  vague,  nor  fantastic.  The 
antic  tricks  he  has  been  latterly  playing  do  not  spring  from  the  constitution 
of  his  mind,  and,  we  must  say,  do  by  no  means  become  him.  We  are  dis- 
posed ourselves  to  assume  considerable  latitude  in  both  thought  and  expression  ; 
but  we  believe  every  scholar  should  aim  to  keep  within  the  general  current  of 
his  language.  Every  language  receives  certain  laws  from  the  genius  of  the 
people  who  use  it,  and  it  is  no  mark  of  wisdom  to  transgress  them  ;  nor 
is  genuine  literary  excellence  to  be  attained  but  by  obeying  them.  An 
Englishman,  if  he  would  profit  Englishmen,  must  write  English,  not  French 
nor  German.  If  he  wishes  his  writings  to  become  an  integral  part  of  the 
literature  of  his  language,  he  must  keep  within  the  steady  current  of  what 
has  ever  been  regarded  as  classical  English  style,  and  deny  himself  the 
momentary  eclat  he  might  gain  by  affectation  and  singularity. 

We  can.  however,  pardon  Carlyle  altogether  more  easily  than  we  can  his 
American  imitators.  Notwithstanding  hi&  manner  of  writing,  when  continued 


for  any  considerable  length,  become*  monotonous  and  wearisome,  as  in 
his  History  of  the  French  Revolution, — a  work  which,  with  all  its  brilliant 
wit,  inimitable  humour,  deep  pathos,  and  graphic  skill,  can  scarcely  be  read 
without  yawning, — yet  in  his  case  it  is  redeemed  by  rare  beauties,  and  marks 
a  mind  of  the  highest  order,  and  of  vast  attainments.  But  in  th-a  hands  of  his 
American  imitators,  it  becomes  peurile  and  disgusting ;  and  what  is  worthy 
of  not3  is,  that  it  is  adopted  and  most  servilely  followed  by  the  men  among 
us  who  are  loudest  in  their  boasts  of  originality,  and  the  most  intolerant  to  its 
absence.  But  enough  of  this.  For  our  consolation,  the  race  of  imitators  is 
feeble  and  short  lived. 

The  subject  of  the  little  work  before  us  is  one  of  the  weightiest  which  can 
engage  the  attention  of  the  statesman  or  the  philanthropist.  It  is,  indeed, 
here,  discussed  only  in  relation  to  the  working  classes  of  England,  but  it  in 
reality  involves  the  condition  of  the  working  classes  throughouf  the  world, — 
a  great  subject,  and  one  never  yet  worthily  treated.  Chartism,  properly 
speaking,  is  no  local  or  temporary  phenomenon.  Its  germ  may  be  found  in 
every  nation  in  Christendom  ;  indeed  wherever  man  has  approximated  a 
state  of  civilization,  wherever  there  is  inequality  in  social  condition,  and  in 
the  distribution  of  Jhe  products  of  industry.  And  where  does  not  this  ine. 
quality  obtain  ?  JW here  is  the  spot,  on  earth,  in  which  the  actual  producer  of 
wealth  is  not  onfrttf  the  lower  class,  shut  out  from  what  are  looked  upon  as 
the  main  advantages  of  the  social  state^l 

Mr.  Carlyle,  though  he  gives  us  fewTacts,  yet  shows  us  that  the  condition 
of  the  workingmen  in  England  is  deplorable,  and  every  day  growing  worse.  • 
It  has  already  become  intolerable,  and  hence  the  outbreak  of  the  Chartists. 
Chartism  is  the  protest  of  the  working  classes  against  the  injustice  of  the 
present  social  organization  of  the  British  community,  and  a  loud  demand 
for  a  new  organization  which  shall  respect  the  rights  and  well-being  of  the 
labourer. 

The  movements  of  the  Chartists  hcve  excited  considerable  alarm  in  the 
higher  classes  of  English  society,  and  some  hope  ia  the  friends  of  Humanity 
among  ourselves.  We  do  not  feel  competent  to  speak  with  any  decision  on 
the  extent  or  importance  of  these  movements.  If  our  voice  could  reach  the 
Chartists,  we  would  bid  them  be  bold  and  determined  ;  we  would  bid  them 
persevere  even  unto  death  ;  for  their  cause  is  that  of  justice,  and  in  fighting 
for  it  they  will  be  fighting  the  battles  of  God  and  man.  But  ws  look  for  no 
important  results  from  their  movements.  We  have  little  faith  in  a  John  Bull 
mob.  It  will  bluster,  and  swagger,  and  threaten  much  ;  but  give  it  plenty  of 
porter  and  roast-beef,  and  it  will  sink  back  to  its  kennel  as  quiet  and  as 
harmless  as  a  lamb.  The  lower  classes  in  England  have  made  many  a  move 
since  the  days  of  Wat  Tyler  for  the  betterment  of  their  condition,  but  we 
cannot  perceive  that  they  have  ever  effected  much*  They  are,  doubtless, 
nearer  the  day  of  their  emancipation  than  they  were,  but  their  actual  condition 
is_ficarcely  superior  to  what  it  was  in  the  days  of  Richard  the  Second. 
]  There  is  no  country  in  Europe,  in  which  the  condition  of  the  labouring 
classes  seems  to  us  so  hopeless  as  in  that  of  England.  This  is  not  owing  to 
the  fact,  that  the  aristocracy  is  less  enlightened,  more  powerful,  or  more  op. 
pressive  in  England  than  elsewhere.  The  English  labourer  does  not  find  his 
worst  enemy  in  the  nobility,  but  in  the  middling  class'.'}  The  middle  class  is 
much  more  numerous  and  powerful  in  England  than  in  any  other  European 
country,  and  is  of  a  higher  character.  It  has  always  been  powerful ;  for  by 
means  of  the  Norman  Conquest  it  received  large  accessions  from  the  old 
Saxon  nobility.  The  Conquest  established  a  new  aristocracy,  and  degraded 


8 

the  old  to  the  condition  of  Commoners.  The  superiority  of  the  English 
Commons  is,  we  suppose,  chiefly  owing  to  this  fact. 

The  middle  class  is  always  a  firm  champion  of  equality,  when  it  concerns 
humbling  a  class  above  it ;  but  it  is  its  inveterate  foe  when  it  concerns  ele- 
vating a  class  below  it.  Manfully  have  the  British  Commoners  struggled 
against  the  old  feudal  aristocracy,  and  so  successfully  that  they  now  constitute 
the  dominant  power  in  the  state.  To  their  struggles  against  the  throne  and 
the  nobility  is  the  English  nation  indebted  for  the  liberty  it  so  loudly  boasts, 
and  which',  during  the  lasl  half  of  the  last  century,  so  enraptured  the  friends 
of  Humanity  throughout  Europe. 

But  this  class  has  done  nothing  for  the  labouring  population,  the  real  prole- 
tarii.  It  has  humbled  the  aristocracy;  it  has  raised  itself  to  dominion,  and 
it  is  now  conservative,— ^-conservative  in  fact,  whether  it  call  itself  Whig  or 
Radical.  From  its  near  relation  to  the  workingmen,  its  kindred  pursuits 
with  them,  it  is  altogether  more  hostile  to  them  than  the  nobility  ever  were 
or  ever  can  be.  This  was  seen  in  conduct  of  England  towards  the  French 
Revolution*  So  long  as  that  Revolution  was  in  the  hands  of  the  middle 
class,  and  threatened  merely  to  humble  monarchy  and  nobihty,  the  English 
nation  applauded  it ;  but  as  soon  as  it  descended  to  the  mass  of  the  people^ 
and  promised  to  elevate  the  labouring  clashes,  so  scan  as  the  starving  work* 
man  began  to  flatter  himself  that  tiere  was  to  be  a  revolution  for  him  loo 
as  well  as  for  his  employer,  the  English  nation  armed  itself,  and  poured  out 
its  blood  and  treasure  to  suppress  it.  Every  body  knows  that  Great  Britain, 
boasting  of  lier  fieedom  and  of  her  love  of  fieedom,  was  the  lite  and  soul 
of  the  opposition  to  the  French  Revolution  ;  and  on  her  head  almost  alone 
should  fall  the  curses  of  Humanity  for  the  sad  failure  of  that  glorious  up. 
rising  of  the  people  in  behalf  of  their  imprescriptible  and  inalienable  rights. 
Yet  it  was  not  the  English  monarch}',  nor  the  English  nobility,  that  was 
alone  in  fault.  Monarchy  and  nobility  would  have  been  powerless,  had 
they  not  had  with  them  the  great  body  of  the  English  Commoners. 
England  fought  in  ths  ranks,  nay,  at  the  head  of  the  allies,  not  for  monarchy, 
not  for  nobility,  nor  yet  for  religion  ;  but  fo;-  trade  and  manufactures,  for  her 
middle  class,  against  the  rights  and  well-being  of  the  workingman  ;  and  her 
strength  and  efficiency  consisted  in  the  strength  and  efficiency  of  this  class. 

Now  this  middle  class,  which  was  strong  enough  to  defeat  nearly  all  the 
practical  benefit  of  the  French  Revolution,  is  the  natural  enemy  of  the 
Chartists.  It  will  unite  wit! >  the  monarchy  and  nobility  against  Ihem;  and 
spare  neither  blood  nor  treasure  to  defeat  them.  Our  despair  for  the  poor 
Chartists  arises  from  the  number  and  power  of  the  middle  class;  We  dread 
for  them  neither  monarchy  nor  nobility.  Nor  should  they.  Their  only  real 
enemy  is  in  the  employer.  In  all  countries  is  it  the  same.  The  only  enemy 
of  the  labourer  is  your  employer,  whether  appearing  in  the  shape  of  the 
master  mechanic,  or  in  the  owner  of  a  factory.  A  Duke  of  Wellington  is 
much  more  likely  to  vindicate  the  rights  of  labour  than  an  Abbot  Lawrence, 
although  the  latter  may  be  a  very  kind-hearted  man,  and  liberal  citizen,  as 
we  always  find  Blackvvood's  Magazine  more  true  to  the  interests  of  the  poor 
than  we  do  the  Edinburgh  Review,  or  even  the  London  and  Westminster. 

Mr.  Carlyle,  contrary  to  his  wor;t,  in  the  pamphlet  we  have  named,  com- 
mends two  projects  for  the  relief  of  the  workingmen,  which  he  finds  others 
have  suggested, — universal  education,  and  general  emigration.  Universal 
education  we  shall  not  be  thought  likely  to  depreciate ;  but  we  confess  that 
we  are  unable  10  see  in  it  that  sovereign  remedy  for  the  evils  of  the  social 
state  as  it  is,  which  some  of  our  friends  do,  or  say  they  do.  We  have  little 


faith  in  the  power  of  education  to  elevate  a  people  eompelled  to  labor  from 
twelve  to  sixteen  hours  a  day,  and  to  experience  for  no  mean  portion  of  the 
time  a  paucity  of  even  the  necessaries  of  life,  let  alone  its  comforts.  Give 
your  starving  hoy  a  breakfast  before  you  send  him  to  school,  and  your  tat- 
tered  beggar  a  cloak  before  you  attempt  his  moral  and  intellectual  elevation. 
A  swarm  of  naked  and  starving  urch.ns  crowded  into  a  school-room  will 
make  little  proficiency  in  the  "Humanities."  Indeed,  it  seems  to  us  most 
bitter  mockery  for  the  well-dressed  and  well-fed,  to  send  the  schoolmaster 
and  priest  to  the  wretched  hovels  of  squalid  poverty,— a  mockery  at  whch 
deviis  may  laugh,  but  over  which  angels  must  weep.  Educate  the  working 
classes  of  England;  and  what  then?  Will  they  require  less  food  and  less 
clothing  when  educated  than  they  do  now  ?  Will  they  be  more  contented  or 
more  happy  in  their  condition  ?  For  God's  sake  beware  how  you  kindle  with- 
in them  the  intellectual  spark,  and  make  them  aware  that  they  too  are  tnen, 
with  powers  of  thought  and  feeling  which  ally  them  by  the  bonds  of  broth- 
erhood to  their  betters.  If  you  will  doom  them  to  the  external  condition  of 
brutes,  do  in  common  charity  keep  their  minds  and  hearts  brutish.  Render 
them  as  insensible  as  po-sible,  that  they  may  feel  the  less  acutely  their  deg- 
radation, and  see  the  less  clearly  the  monstrous  injustice  whi^h  is  done  them. 

General  emigration  can  at  best  afford  only  a  temporary  relief,  for  the  col- 
ony will  soon  become  an  empire,  and  reproduce  all  the  injustice  and  wretch- 
edness of  the  mother  country.  Nor  is  general  emigration  necessary.  Erg- 
land,  if  she  would  be  just,  could  support  a  larger  population  than  she  now 
numbers.  The  evil  is  not  from  over  population,  but  from  the  unequal  re- 
partition of  the  fruits  of  industry.  She  suffers  from  over  production,  and 
from  over  production,  because  her  workmen  produce  not  for  themselves  but 
for  their  employers.  What  then  is  the  remedy  7  As  it  concerns  England, 
we  shali  ieave  the  English  statesman  to  answer.  Be  it  what  it  may,  it  will 
not  be  obtained  without  war  and  bloodshed.  It  will  be  tound  only  at  the 
end  of  one  of  the  longest  and  severest  struggles  the  human  race  has  ever 
been  engaged  in,  only  by  that  most  dreaded  of  all  wars,  the  war  of  the  poor 
against  the  rich,  a  war  which,  however  long  it  may  be  delayed,  will  come, 
and  come  with  all  its  horrors.  The  day  of  vengeance  is  sure ;  for  the  world 
after  all  is  under  the  dominion  of  a  Just  Providence. 

No  one  can  observe  the  signs  of  the  times  with  much  care,  without  per- 
ceiving that  a  crisis  as  to  the  relation  of  wealth  and  labor  is  approaching. — 
It  is  useless  to  shut  our  eyes  to  the  fact,  and  like  the  ostrich  fancy  ourselves 
secure  because  we  have  so  concealed  our  heads  that  we  see  not  the  danger. 
W«  or  our  children  will  have  to  meet  this  crisis.  The  old  war  between  the 
King  and  the  8arons  is  well  nigh  ended,  and  so  is  thai  between  the  Barons 
and  the  Merchants  and  Manufacturers, —  landed  capital  and  commercial 
capital.  The  business  man  has  become  the  peer  of  my  Lord.  And  now 
commences  the  Lew  struggle  between  the  operative  and  his  employer,  between 
wealth  and  labor.  Every  day  does  this  siruggle  extend  further  and  wax 
stronger  and  fiercer;  what  or  Avhen  the  end  will  be  God  only  knows. 

In  this  coming  contest  there  is  a  deeper  question  at  issue  than  is  common- 
ly imagined ,  a  question  which  is  but  remotely  touched  in  your  controversies 
about  United  States  Banks  and  Sub- Treasuries,  chartered  Banking  and  free 
Banking,  free  trade  and  corporations,  although  these  controversies  may  be 
paving  the  way  for  it  to  come  up.  We  have  discovered  no  presentment  of 
it  in  any  king's  or  queen's  speech,  nor  in  any  president's  message.  It  is  em- 
braced in  no  popular  political  creed  of  the  day,  whether  christened  Whig  or 
Tory,  Juste-milieu  or  Democratic  No  popular  senator,  or  deputy,  or  peer 


10 

seems  to  have  any  glimpse  of  it ;  but  it  is  working  in  the  hearts  of  the  mil- 
lion,  is  struggling  to  shape  itse  f,  and  one  day  it  will  be  uttered,  and  in  thun- 
der tones.  Well  will  it  be  for  him,  who,  on  that  day,  shall  be  found  ready 
to  answer  if.  % 

What  we  would  ask  is,  throughout  the  Christian  world  the  actual  condi- 
tion of  the  laboring  classes,  viewed  simply  and  exclusively  in  their  capacity 
of  laborers  ?  They  constitute  at  least  a  moiety  of  the  human  race.  We 
exclude  the  nobility,  we  exclude  also  the  middle  class,  and  include  only  ac- 
tual laborers,  who  are  laborers  and  not  proprietors,  owners  of  none  of  the 
funds  of  production,  neither  houses,  shops,  nor  lands,  nor  implements  of  la- 
bor, i>eing  therefore  solely  dependent  on  their  hands.  We  have  no  means  of 
ascertaining  their  precise  proportion  to  the  whole  number  of  the  race ;  but 
we  think  we  may  estimate  I  hem  at  one  half.  In  any  contest  they  will  be  as 
two  to  one,  because  the  large  class  of  proprietors  who  are  not  employers, 
but  laborers  on  their  own  lands  or  in  their  own  shops  will  make  common 
cause  with  them. 

Now  we  will  not  so  belie  our  acquaintance  with  political  economy,  as  to 
allege  that  these  alone  perform  all  that  is  necessary  to  the  pi  eduction  of 
wealth.  We  are  not  ignorant  of  the  fact,  that  the  merchant,  who  is  literally 
the  common  carrier  and  exchange  dealer,  performs  a  useful  service,  and  is 
therefore  entitled  to  a  portion  of  the  proceeds  of  labor.  But  make  all  ne- 
cessary deductions  on  his  account,  and  then  ask  what  portion  of  the  remain- 
der is  retained,  either  in  kind  or  in  its  equivalent,  in  the  hands  of  the  orig. 
inal  producer,  the  workingman?  All  over  the  world  this  fact  stares  us  in 
the  face,  the  workingman  is  poor  and  depressed,  while  a  large  portion  of 
the  non-workingmen,  in  the  sense  we  now  use  the  term,  are  wealthy.  It 
may  be  laid  down  as  a  general  rule,  with  but  few  exceptions,  that  men  are 
rewarded  in  an  inverse  ratio  to  the  amount  of  actual  service  they  perform. — 
Under  every  government  on  earth  the  largest  salaries  are  annexed  to  those 
offices,  which  demand  of  their  incumbents  the  least  amount  of  actual  labor  eith- 
er'memal  or  manual.  And  this  is  in  perfect  harmony  with  the  whole  system 
of  repartition  of  the  fruits  of  industry,  which  obtains  in  every  department  of  so- 
ciety. Now  here  is  the  system  which  prevails,  and  here  is  its  result.  The 
whole  class  of  simple  laborers  are  poor,  and  in  general  unable  to  procure  any 
thing  beyond  the  bare  necessaries  of  life. 

In  regard  to  labor  two  systems  obtain  ;  one  that  of  slave  labor,  the  other  that 
of  free  labor.  Of  the  two,  the  first  is,  in  our  judgement,  except  so  far  as  the 
feelings  a.-e  concerned,  decidedly  the  least  oppressive.  If  the  slave  has  never 
been  a  free  man,  we  think,  as  a  general  rule,  his  sufferings  are  less  than  those 
of  the  free  laborer  of  wages.  As  to  actual  freedom  one  has  just  about  as  much 
as  the  other.  The  laborer  at  wages  has  all  the  disadvantages  of  freedom  and 
none  of  its  blessings,  while  the  slave,  if  denied  the  blessings,  is  freed  from  the 
disadvantages.  We  are  no  advocates  of  slavery,  we  are  as  heartily  opposed 
to  it  as  any  modern  abolitionist  can  be  ;  but  we  say  frankly  that,  if  there  must 
always  be  a  laboring  population  distinct  from  proprietors  and  employers,  we  re- 
gard  the  slave  system  as  decidedly  preferable  to  the  system  at  wages.  It  is  no 
pleasant  thing  to  go  days  without  food,  to  lie  idle  for  weeks,  seeking  work  and 
finding  none,  to  rise  in  the  morning  with  a  wife  and  children  you  love,  and 
know  not  where  to  procure  them  a  breakfast,  and  to  see  constantly  before  you 
no  brighter  prospect  then  the'almshouse.  Yet  these  are  no  unfrequent  incidents 
in  the  lives  of  our  laboring  population.  Even  in  seasons  of  general  prosperity, 
when  there  was  only  the  ordinary  cry  of " hard  times,"  we  have  seen  hundreds 


11 

of  people  in  a  no  very  populous  village,  in  a  wealthy  portion  of  our  common 
country,  suffering  for  the  want  of  the  necessaries  of  life,  willing  to  work,  and 
yet  finding  no  work  to  do.  Many  and  many  is  the  applicat.on  of  a  poor  man 
for  work,  merely  for  his  food,  we  have  seen  rejected.  These  things  are  little 
thought  of,  for  the  applicants  are  poor ;  they  fill  no  conspicuous  place  in  socie- 
ty,  and  they  have  no  biographers.  But  their  wrongs  are  chronicled  in  heaven. 
It  is  said  there  is  no  want  in  this  country.  There  may  be  less  than  in  some 
other  countries.  But  death  by  actual  starvation  in  this  country  *s  we  appro, 
hend  no  uncommon  occurrence.  The  sufferings  of  a  quiet,  unassuming  but 
useful  class  of  females  in  our  cities,  in  general  sempstresses,  too  proud  to  beg 
or  to  apply  to  the  almshouse,  are  not  easily  told.  They  are  industrious ;  they 
do  all  that  they  can  find  to  do  ;  but  yet  the  little  there  is  for  them  to  do,  and  the 
miserable  pittance  they  receive  for  it,  is  hardly  sufficient  to  keep  soul  «nd  body 
together.  And  yet  there  is  a  man  who  employs  them  to  make  shirts,  trousers, 
&c.,  and  grows  rich  on  their  labors.  He  is  one  of  our  respectable  citizens, 
perhaps  is  praised  in  the  newspapers  for  his  liberal  donations  to  some  charitable 
institution.  He  passes  among  us  as  a  pattern  of  morality,  and  is  honored  as  a 
worthy  Christian.  And  why  should  he  not  be,  since  our  Christian  community 
is  made  up  of  such  as  he,  and  since  our  clergy  would  not  dare  question  his  pie- 
ty,  lest  they  should  incur  the  reproach  of  infidelity,  and  lose  their  standing,  and 
their  salaries  ?  Nay,  since  our  clergy  are  raised  up,  educated,  fashioned,  and 
sustained  by  such  as  he  ?  Not  a  few  of  our  churches  rest  on  Mammon  for  their 
foundation.  The  basement  is  a  trader's  shop. 

\Ve  pass  through  our  manufacturing  villages  ;  most  of  them  appear  neat  and 
flourishing.  Tho  operatives  are  wellVJressed,  and  we  are  told,  well  paki.  They 
are  said  to  be  healthy,  contented,  and  happy.  This  is  the  fair  side  of  the  pic. 
ture  ;  the  side  exhibited  to  distinguished  visitors.  There  is  a  ddrk  side,  moral 
as  well  as  physical.  Of  the  common  operatives,  few,  if  any,  by  their  wages, 
acquire  a  competence.  A  few  of  what  Carlyle  terms  not  inaptly  the  body-ser- 
vants are  well  paid,  and  now  and  then  an  agent  or  an  overseer  rides  in  his  coach. 
But  the  great  mass  wear  out  their  health,  spirits,  and  morals,  without  becoming 
one  whi  better  off  than  when  they  commenced  labor.  The  bills  01  mortality 
in  these  factory  villages  are  not  striking,  we  admit,  for  the  poor  giris  when  they 
can  toil  no  longer  go  home  to  die.  The  average  life,  working  life  we  mean,  of 
the  girls  that  come  to  Lowell,  for  instance,  from  Maine,  New  Hampshire,  and 
Vermont,  we  have  been  assured,  is  only  about  three  years.  What  becomes  of 
them  then  ?  Few  of  them  ever  marry ;  fewer  still  ever  return  to  their  native 
places  with  reputations  unimpaired.  "  She  has  worked  in  a  Factory,"  is  almost 
enough  to  damn  to  infamy  the  most  worthy  and  virtuous  girl.  We  know  no  sad- 
,der  sight  on  earth  than  one  of  our  factory  villages  presents,  when  the  bell  at 
break  of  day,  or  at  the  hour  of  breakfast,  or  dinner,  calls  out  its  hundreds  or 
thousands  of  operatives.  We  stand  and  look  at  these  hard  working  men  and 
women  hurrying  in  all  directions,  and  ask  ourselves,  where  go  the  proceeds  of 
their  labors  ?  The  man  who  employs  them,  and  for  whom  they  are  toiling  as 
so  many  slaves,  is  one  of  our  city  nabobs,  revelling  in  luxury  ;  or  he  is  a  mem. 
ber  of  our  legislature,  enacting  laws  to  put  money  in  his  own  pocket ;  or  he  is 
a  member  of  Congress,  contending  for  a  high  TarifTto  tax  the  poor  for  the  bene- 
fit of  the  rich  ;  or  in  these  times  he  is  shedding  crocodile  tears  over  the  deplora- 
ble  condition  of  the  poor  laborer,  while  he  docks  his  wages  twenty.five  per 
cent. ;  building  miniature  log  cabins,  shouting  Harrison  and  "hard  cider." — 
And  this  man  too  would  fain  pass  for  a  Christian  and  a  republican.  He  shouts 
for  liberty,  stickless  for  equality,  and  m^  horrified  at  a  Southern  planter  who 
keeps  slaves. 


12 

One  thing  is  certain ;  that  of  the  amount  actually  produced  by  the  operative, 
he  retains  a  less  proportion  than  it  costs  the  master  to  feed,  clothe,  and  lodge  his 
slave.  Wages  is  a  cunning  device  of  the  devil,  for  the  benefit  of  tender  con- 
sciences, who  would  retain  all  the  advantages  of  the  slave  system,  without  the 
expense,  trouble,  and  odium  of  being  slave-holders. 

Messrs.  Thome  and  Kimball,  in  their  account  of  the  emancipation  of  slave- 
ry in  the  West  Indies,  establish  the  fact  that  the  employer  may  have  the  same 
amount  of  labor  done  25  per  ct.  cheaper  than  the  master.  What  does  this  fact 
prove,  if  noi  that  wages  is  a  more  successful  method  of  taxing  labor  than  slave- 
ry? We  really  believe  our  Northern  system  of  labor  is  more  oppressive,  and 
even  more  mischievous  to  morals,  than  the  Southern.  We,  however,  war  aga.nst 
both.  We  have  no  toleration  for  cither  system.  We  would  see  a  slave  i  man, 
but  a  free  man,  not  a  mere  operative  at  wages.  This  he  would  not  be  were 
he  now  emancipated.  Could  the  abolitionists  effect  all  they  propose,  they  would 
do  the  slave  no  service.  Should  emancipation  work  as  well  as  they  say,  still  it 
would  do  the  slave  no  good.  He  woul«l  be  a  slave  still,  although  with  the  title 
and  cares  of  a  freeman.  If  then  we  had  no  constitutional  objections  to  aboli- 
tionism, we  could  not,  for  the  reason  here  implied,  be  abolitionists. 

The  slave  system,  however,  in  name  and  form,  is  gradually  disappearing  from 
Christendom.  It  will  not  subsist  much  longer.  But  its  place  is  taken  by  the 
syslem  of  labor  at  wages,  and  this  system,  we  hold,  is  no  improvement  upon 
the  one  it  supplants.  Nevertheless  the  system  of  wages  will  triumph.  It  is  the 
system  which  in  name  sounds  honester  than  slavery,  and  in  substance  is  more 
profitable  to  the  master.  It  yields  the  wages  of  iniquity,  without  its  opprobium. 
It  will  therefore  supplant  slavery,  and  be  sustained — for  a  time. 

Now,  what  is  the  prospect  of  those  who  fall  under  the  operation  of  this  sys- 
tem 1  We  ask,  is  there  a  reasonable  chance  that  any  considerable  portion  of 
the  present  generation  of  laborers,  shall  ever  become  owners  of  a  sufficient  por- 
tion of  the  funds  of  production,  to  be  able  to  sustain  themselves  by  laboring  on 
their  own  capital,  that  is,  as  independent  laborers  ?  We  need  not  ask  this  ques- 
tion, for  everybody  knows  there  is  not.  Well,  is  the  condition  of  a  laborer  at 
wages  the  best  that  the  great  mass  of  the  working  people  ought  to  be  *ble  to 
aspire  to?  Is  it  a  condition, — nay  can  it  be  made  a  condition, — with  which  a 
man  should  be  satisfied  ;  in  which  he  should  be  contented  to  live  and  die  ? 

In  our  own  country  this  condition  has  existed  under  its  most  favorable  as- 
pects, and  has  been  made  as  good  as  it  can  be.  It  has  reached  all  the  excellence 
of  which  it  is  susceptible.  It  is  now  not  improving  but  growing  worse.  The 
actual  condition  of  the  working-man  to-day,  viewed  in  all  its  bearings,  is  not  so 
good  as  it  was  fifty  years  ago.  If  we  have  not  been  altogether  misinformed, 
fifty  years  ago,  health  and  industrious  habits,  constituted  no  mean  stock  in  trade, 
and  with  them  almost  any  man  might  aspire  to  competence  and  independence. 
But  it  is  so  no  longer.  The  wilderness  has  receded,  and  already  the  new  lands 
are  beyond  the  rea3h  of  the  me«*e  laborer,  and  the  employer  has  him  at  his  mer- 
cy. It  the  present  relation  subsist,  we  see  nothing  better  for  him  in  reserve  than 
what  he  now  possesses,  but  something  altogether  worse. 

We  are  not  ignorant  of  the  fact  that  men  born  poor  become  wealthy,  and  that 
men  born  to  wealth  become  poor;  but  this  fact  does  not  necessarily  diminish 
the  numbers  of  the  poor,  nor  augment  the  numbers  of  the  rich.  The  relative 
numbers  of  the  two  classes  remain,  or  may  remain,  the  same.  But  be  this- 
as  it  may  ;  one  fact  is  certain,  no  man  born  poor  has  ever  by  his  wages,  as  a 
simple  operative,  risen  to  the  class  of  the  wealthy.  Rich  he  may  have  become, 
but  it  has  not  been  by  his  own  manual  labor.  He  has  in  some  way  contrived  to 
tax  for  his  benefit  the  labor  of  others.  He  may  have  accumulated  a  few  dollars- 


M 

^hich  he  has  placed  at  usury,  or  invested  in  trade  ^  or  -he  may,  as  a  master 
workman,  obtain  a  premium  on  his  journeymen ;  or  he  may  have  from  a  clerk 
passed  to  a  partner,  or  from  a  workman  to  an  overseer.  The  simple  market 
wages  for  ordinary  labor,  has  never  been  adequate  to  raise  him  from  poverty  to 
wealth.  This  fad  is  decisive  of  the  whole  controversy,  and  proves  that  ihe  sys- 
tem of  wages  must  be  supplanted  by  some  other  system,  or  else  one  half 
of  the  human  race  must  forever  be  the  virtual  slaves  of  the  other. 
/  Now  the  great  work  for  this  age  and  the  coming,  is  to  raise  up  the  laborer, 
and  to  realize  in  our  own  social  arrangements  and  in  the  actual  condition  of  all 
men,  that  equality  between  man  and  man,  which  God  has  established  between 
the  rights  of  one  and  those  of  another.  In  other  words,  oar  business  is  to 
emancipate  the  proletaries,  as  the  past  has  emancipated  the  slaves.  This  is 
our  work.  There  must  be  no  class  of  our  fellow  men  doomed  to  toil  through 
life  as  mere  workmen  at  wa^es.  If  wages  are  tolerated  it  must  be,  in  the  case 
of  the  individual  operative,  only  under  such  conditions  that  by  the  time  he  is  ot 
proper  age  to  settle  4n  life,  he  shall  have  accumulated  enough  lobe  an  inde- 
pendent laborer  on,  his  own  capital, — on  his  own  farm,  or  in  liis  own  shop. 
Here  is  our  work.  How  is  it  to  be  done  1 

Reformers  in  general  answer  this  question,  or  what  they  deem  its  equivalent, 
in  a  manner  which  we  cannot  but  regard  as  very  unsatisfactory.  They  would 
have  all  men  wise,  good,  and  happy ;  but  in  order  to  make  them  so,  they  tell  us 
that  we  want  not  external  changes,  but  internal ;  and  therefore  instead  of  de- 
claiming against  society  and  seeking  to  disturb  existing  social  arrangements,  we 
should  confine  ourselves  to  the  individual  reason  and  conscience ;  seek  merely 
to  lead  the  individual  to  repentance,  and  to  reformation  of  life ;  make  the  indi- 
vidual a  practical,  a  truly  religious  man,  and  all  evils  will  either  disappear,  or  be 
sanctified  to  the  spiritual  growth  of  the  soul. 

This  is  doubtless  a  capital  theory,  and  has  the  advantage  that  kings,  hier- 
archies, nobilities, — in  a  word,  all  who  fatten  on  the  toil  and  blood  of  their  fel- 
lows, will  terl  no  difficulty  in  supporting  it.  Nicholas  of  Russia,  the  Grand 
Turk,  his  Holiness  the  Pope,  will  hold  ws  their  especial  friends  for  advocating 
a  theory,  which  secures  to  them  the  odor  of  sanctity  even  while  they  are  sus- 
taining by  their  anathemas  or  their  armed  legions,  a  system  of  things  of  which 
the  great  mass  are  and  must  be  the  victims.  If  you  will  only  allow  me  to  keep 
thousands  toiling  for  my  pleasure  or  my  profit,'!  will  even  aid  you  in  your  pious 
efforts  to  convert  their  souls.  I  am  not  cruel ;  I  do  not  wish  either  to  cause  or 
to  see  suffering ;  I  am  therefore  disposed  to  encourage  your  labors  for  the  souls 
of  the  workingmen,  providing.you  will  secure  to  me  the  products  of  his  bodily 
toil.  So  far  as  the  salvation  of  his  soul  will  not  interfere  with  my  income,  I  hold 
it  worthy  of  being  sought  4  and  if  a  few  thousand  dollars  will  aid  you,  Mr. 
Pries',  in  reconciling  him  to  God,  and  making  fair  weather  for  him  hereafter, 
they  are  at  your  service.  I  shall  not  want  him  to  work  for  me  in  the  world  to 
come,  and  I  can  indemnify  myself  for  what  your  salary  costs  me,  by  paying 
•him  less  wages.  A  capital  theory  ihis,  which  one  may  advocate  without  incur- 
ring the  reproach  of  a  disorganize^  a  jacobin,  a  leveller,  and  without  losing  the 
friendship  of  the  rankest  aristocrat  in  the  land* 

1  his  theory,  however,  is  exposed  to  one  s&ght  objection,  that  of  being  con- 
-demned  by  something  like  six  thousand  years'  experience.  For  six  thousand 
.years  its  beauty  has  been  -extolled,  its  praises  sung,  and  its  blessings  sought, 
under  every  advantage  which  learning,  fashion,  weal  h,  and  power  can  secure; 
^ind  yet,  under  its  practical  operations,  we  are  assured  that  mankind,  though 
totally  depraved  at  first,  have  been  growing  worse  and  worse  ever  since. 


14 

For  our  part,  we  yield  to  none  in  our  reverence  for  science  and  religion  ;  but 
we  confess  that  we  look  not  for  the  regeneration  of  the  race  from  priests  and 
pedagogues.  They  have  had  a  fair  trial.  They  cannot  construct  the  temple 
of  God.  They  cannot  conceive  its  plan,  and  they  know  not  how  to  build* 
They  daub  with  unternpered  mortar,  and  the  walls  they  erect  tumble  down  if  so 
much  as  a  fox  attempt  to  go  up  thereon.  In  a  word,  they  always  league  with 
the  people's  masters,  and  seek  to  reform  without  disturbing  the  social  arrange, 
mentji  which  render  reform  necessary.  They  would  change  the  consequents 
without  changing  the  antecedents,  secure  to  men  the  rewards  of  holiness,  while 
they  continue  their  allegiance  to  the  devil.  We  have  no  faith  in  priests  and 
pedagogues.  They  merely  cry  peace,  peace,  and  that  loo  when  there  is  no 
peace,  and  can  be  none. 

We  admit  the  importance  of  what  Dr.  Channing,  in  his  lectures  on  the  sub- 
ject  we  are  treating,  recommends  as  "self-culture."  Self-culture  is  a  good/ 
thing,  but  it  cannot  abolish  inequality,  nor  restore  men  to  the  r  rights  As  a 
means  of  quickening  moral  and  intellectual  energy,  exalting  the  sentimen's,  and 
preparing  the  laborer  to  contend  manfully  for  his  rights,  we  admit  its  importance, 
and  insist  as  strenuously  as  any  one  on  making  it  as  universal  as  possible ;  but 
as  constituting  in  itself  a  remedy  for  the  vices  of  the  social  state,  we  have  no 
faith  in  it.  As  a  means  it  is  well- — as  the  end  it  is  nothing. 

The  truth  is,  the  evil  we  have  pointed  out  is  not  merely  individual  in  its  cha- 
racter. It  is  not,  in  the  case  of  any  single  individual,  of  any  one  man's  pro- 
curing,  nor  can  the  efforts  of  any  one  man,  directed  solely  to  his  own  moral 
and  religious  perfection,  do  aught  to  remote  it.  What  is  purely  individual  in 
its  nature;  efforts  of  individuals  to  perfect  themselves  may  remove.  'But  the 
evil  we  speak  of  is  inherent  in  all  our  social  arrangements,  and  cannot  be  cured 
without  a  radical  change  of  those  arrangements.  Could  we  convert  all  men  to 
Christianity  in  both  theory  and  practice,  as  held  by  the  most  enlightened  sect  of 
Christians  among  us,  the  evils  of  the  social  state  would  remain  untouched.  Con. 
tinue  our  present  system  of  trade,  and  all  its  present  evil  consequences  will  fol- 
low, whether  it  be  carried  on  by  your  best  men  or  your  worst.  Put  your  best 
men,  your  wisest,  most  moral,  and  most  religious  men  at  the  head  of  your  paper 
money  banks,  and  the  evils  of  the  present  banking  system  will  remain  scarcely 
diminished.  The  only  way  to  get  rid  of  its  evils  is  to  change  the  vsystem,  not 
its  managers.  The  evils  of  slavery  do  not  result  from  the  personal  characters 
of  slave  masters.  They  are  inseparable  from  the  system,  let  who  will  be  mas- 
ters.  Make  all  your  rich  men  good  Christians,  and  you  have  lessened  not  the 
evils  of  existing  inequality  in  wealth.  The  mischievous  effects  of  this  inequality 
do  not  result  from  the  personal  characters  of  either  rich  or  poor,  but  from  itself, 
and  they  will  continue  just  so  long  as  there  are  rich  men  and  poor  men  in  the 
same  community.  You  must  abolish  the  system  or  accept  its  consequences} 
No  man  can  serve  both  God  and  Mammon.  If  you  will  serve  the  devil,  ydu 
must  look  to  the  devil  for  your  wages,  we  know  no  other  way. 

Let  us  not  be  misinterpreted.  We  deny  not  the  power  of  Christianity.  Should 
all  men  become  good  Christians,  we  deny  not  that  all  social  evils  would  be 
cured.  But  we  deny  in  the  outset  that  a  man,  who  seeks  merely  to  save  his 
own  soul,  merely  to  perfect  his  own  individual  nature,  can  be  a  good  Christian. 
The  Christian  forgets  himself,  buckles  on  his  armor,  and  goes  forth  to  war 
against  principalities  and  powers,  and  against  spiritual  wickedness  »n  high  places. 
No  man  can  be  a  Christian  who  does  not  begin  his  career  by  making  war  on  the 
mischievous  social  arrangements  from  which  his  brethren  suffer.  He  who 
thinks  he  can  be  a  Christian  and  save  his  soul,  without  seeking  their  radical 


15 

change,  has  no  reason  to  applaud  himself  for  his  proficiency  in  Christian  scienca, 
nor  lor  his  progress  towards  the  kingdom  of  God.  Understand  Christianity, 
and  we  will  admit,  that  should  all  men  become  good  Christians,  there  would  be 
nothing  to  complain  of.  But  one  might  as  well  undertake  to  dip  the  ocean  dry 
with  a  clam-shell,  as  to  undertake  to  cure  the  evils  of  the  social  state  by  con- 
verting men  to  the  Christianity  of  the  Church. 

The  evil  we  have  pointed  out,  we  have  said,  is  not  of  individual  creation,  and 
it  is  not  to  be  removed  by  individual  effort,  saving  so  far  as  individual  effort  in- 
duces the  combined  effort  of  the  mass.  But  whence  has  this  evil  originated? 
How  comes  it  that  all  over  the  world  the  working  classes  are  depressed,  are  the 
low  and  vulgar,  and  virtually  the  slaves  of  the  non-working  classes?  This  is  an 
inquiry  which  has  not  yet  received  the  attention  it  deserves.  It  is  not  enough  to 
answer,  that  it  has  originated  entirely  in  the  inferiority  by  nature  of  the  working 
classes;  that  they  have  less  skill  and  foresight,  and  are  less  able  than  the  upper 
classes  to  provide  for  themselves,  or  less  susceptible  of  the  highest  moral  and  in- 
tellectual cultivation.  Nor  is  it  sufficient  for  our  purpose  to  be  told,  that.  Pro- 
vidence has  decreed  that  some  shall  be  poor  ancUwretched,  ignorant  and  vulgar 
and  that  others  shall  be  rich  and  vicious,  learned  and  polite,  oppressive  and 
miserable.  We  do  not  choose  to  charge  this  matter  to  the  will  of  God.  "  The 
)!ishness  of  man  perverteth  his  way,  and  his  heart  fretteth  against  the  Lord." 
has  made  of  one  blood  all  tlu  nations  of  men  to  dwell  on  all  the  face  of  the 
earth,  and  to  dwell  there  as  brothers,  as  members  of  one  and  the  same  family ; 
and  although  he  has  made  them  with  a  diversity  of  powers,  it  would  perhaps, 
after  all,  be  a  bold  assertion  to  say  that  he  has  made  them  with  an  inequality  of 
powers.  There  is  nothing  in  the  actual  difference  of  the  powers  of  individuals 
which  accounts  for  the  striking  inequalities  we  every  where  discover  in  their  con- 
dition. The  child  of  the  plebian,  if  placed  early  in  proper  circumstances,  grows 
up  not  less  beautiful,  active,  intelligent,  and  refined  than  the  child  of  the  patri- 
cian;  and  the  child  of  the  patrician  may  become  as  coarse,  as  brutish  as  the 
child  of  any  slave.  So  far  as  observation  on  the  original  capacities  of  individuals 
goes,  nothing  is  discovered  to  throw  much  light  on  social  inequalities.  4 

The  cause  of  the  inequality  we  speak  of  must  be  sought  in  history,  and  be  re- 
garded as  having  its  root  in  Providence,  or  in  human  nature,  only  in  that  s^nse 
in  which  all  historical  facts  have  their  origin  in  these.  We  may  perhaps  trace 
it  in  the  first  instance  to  conquest,  but  not  to  conquest  as  the  ultimate  cause. 
The  Romans,  in  conquering  Italy,  no  doubt  reduced  ma;iy  to  the  condition  of 
slaves,  but  they  also  found  the  great  mass  of  the  laboring  population  already 
slaves.  There  is  every  where  a  class  distinct  from  the  reigning  class,  bearing 
the  same  relation  to  it  that  the  Gibbeonites  did  to  the  lews.  They  are  princi- 
pally colons,  the  cultivators  for  foreign  masters,  of  a  soil  of  which  they  seemed 
to  have  been  dispossessed.  Who  has  dispossessed  them?  Who  has  reduced 
them  to  their  present  condition — a  condition  which,  under  the  Roman  dominion, 
is  perhaps  even  ameliorated  ?  Who  were  this  race  ?  Whence  came  they  ? 
They  appear  to  be  distinct  from  the  reigning  races,  as  were  the  Helotse  from  the 
Doric. Spartan  Were  they  the  aborigines  of  the  territory?  Had  they  once 
been  free  ?  By  what  concurrence  of  events  have  they  been  reduced  to  their 
present  condition  ?  By  a  prior  conquest  ?  But  mere  conquest  does  not  so  reduce  a 
population.  It  may  make  slaves  oi  the  prisoners  taken  in  actual  combat,  and  re- 
duce the  whole  to  tributaries,  but  it  leaves  the  mass  of  the  population  free,  except  in 
its  political  relations.  Were  tht-y  originally  savages,  subjugated  by  a  civilized 
tribe  1  Savages  may  be  exterminated,  but  they  never,  so  far  as  we  can  ascertain, 
become  to  any  considerable  extent  "the  hewers  of  wood  and  drawers  of  water"  to 
their  conquerors.  For  our  part,  we  are  disposed  to  sekthe  cause  of  the  inequality 


re 

of  conditions  of  which  we  speak  in  icligion,  nncP  to  charge  it  to  the  priesthood^  Anc? 
we  are  confirmed  in  this  by  what  appears  to  be  the  instinctive  tendency  of  every,  or 
almost  every  social  reformer.  Men's  instincts,  in  a  matter  of  this  kind,  are  wor- 
thier of  reliance  than  their  reasonings.  Rarely  do  v  e  find  in  any  age  or  country,  a 
man  feeling  himself  commissioned  to  labor  for  a  social  teform,.  who  does  not  feel 
that  he  must  begin  it  by  making  war  upon  the  priesthood.  This  was  the  case  with, 
she  old  Hebrew  reformers,  who  are  to  us  the  prophets  of  God — with  Jesus,  the 
Apostles,  and  the  early  Fathers  of  the  Church — with  the  French  democrats  of  the 
last  century;  and  is  the  case  wifh  the  Young  Germans,  and  the  Socialists,  as  they 
call  themselves  in  England,  at  the  present  moment.  Indeed,  it  is  felt  at  once  that 
no  reform  can  be  effected  without  resisting^  the  priests,  and  emancipating  the  peo- 
ple from  their  power. 

Historical  research,  we  apprehend^  will  be  found  to  justify  this  instincfrand  to  au- 
thorize the  eternal  hostility  of  the  reformer,  the  advocate  of  social  progress-Jo  the 
priesthood.  How  is  it,  we  asfc.  that  man  coraes  out  of  the  savage  state?  /In  the- 
savage  state,  properly  so  called,  there  is  no  inequality  ot  the  kind  of  which  weSspeak. 
The  individual  system  obtains  there  Each  man  is  his  own  centre,  and  is  a  whole 
in  himself.  There  is  no  corrrmunhy,  there  are  rro  members  of  society  ;  for  society 
is  not.  This  individuality  which,  if  combined  with  the  highest  possible  moral  and' 
intellectual  cultivation,  would  be  the  perfection  of  man's  earthly  condition,  must  be- 
broken  down  before  the  humaji  race  can  enter  i-ato  the  path  of  civilization,  or  com- 
mence its- career  of  progress.  But  it  cannot  be  broken  down  by  material  force.  It 
resists  by  its  nature  the  combination  of  individuals  necessary  to  subdue  it.  It  can 
be  successfully  attacked  only  by  a  spiritual  power,  and  subjugated  only  by  the  re- 
presentatives of  that  power,  that  is  to  say,  the  priests. 

Man  is  naturally  a  religious  being,  and  disposed  to  stand  in  awe  of  invisible  pow- 
ers. This  makes,  undoubtedly,  under  certain  relations,  his  glory  j  but  when  cou- 
pled with  his  ignorance,  it  becomes  the  chief  source  of  his  degradation  and  misery. 
He  feels  within  the  workings  of  a  mysterious  nature,  and  is  conscious  that  hidden, 
and  superior  powers  are  at  work  all  around  him,  and  perpetually  mriuencing  his 
destiny  j  now  wafting  him  onward  with  a  prosperous  gale,  or  now  resisting  his 
course,  driving  him  back,  defeating  his  plans,  blasting  his  hopes,  and  wounding  his. 
heart.  What  are  his  relations  to  these  hidden,  mysterious,  and  yet  all-influencing 
forces  ?  Can  their  anger  be  appeased  ?  Can  their  favor  be  secured?  Thus  he  asks 
himself.  Unable  to  answer,  he  goes  to  the  more  aged  and  experienced  of  his  tribe, 
and  asks  them  the  same  questions.  They  answer  as  best  they  can.  What  is  done 
by  one-  is  done  by  another,  and  what  is  done  once  is  done  again.  The  necessity  of 
instruction,  which  each  one  feels  in  consequence  of  his  own  feebleness  and  mexpe- 
lience,  renders  the  recurrence  to  those  best  capable  ot  giving  it,  or  supposed  to  be 
the  best  capable  of  giving  it,  frequent  and  uniform.  Hence  the  priest.  He  who  is 
consulted  prepares  himself  to  answer,  and  therefore  devotes  himself  to  the  study  of 
manrs  relations  to  these  invisible  powers,  and  the  nature  of  these  invisible  powers 
themselves.  Hence  religion  becomes  a  special  object  of  study,  and  the  study  of  it  a 
profession.  Individuals  whom  a  thunder-storm,  an  earthquake,  an  eruption  of  a- 
volcano.,  an  eclipse  of  the  sun  OF  moon,  any  unusual  appearance  in  the  hea-vens  or 
earth,  has  frightened,  or  whom  some  unfoBseen  disaster  has  afflicted,  goto  the  wise- 
man  for  explanation,,  to  know  what  it  means,  or,  what  they  shall  do  in  order  to  ap- 
pease the  offended  powers-  When  reassured  they  naturally  feel  grateful  to  this 
wise  man;,  they  load  him  with  honors,  and  in  the  access  of  their  gratitude  raise  him, 
far  above  the  common  level,  and  spare  him  the  common  burdens  of  life.  Onee  thus- 
distinguished,  he  becomes  an  object  of  envy.  His  condition  is  looked  upon  as  su- 
perior to  that  of  the  mass.  Hence  a  multitude  aspire  to  possess  themselves  of  it. 
When  once  the  class  has  become  somewhat  numerous,  it  labors  to  secure  to  itself 
the  distinction  it  has  received,  its  honors  and  its  emoluments,  and  to  increase  them- 
Hence  the  establishment  of  priesthoods  or  sacerdotal  corporations,  such  as  the 
Egyptain.  the  Brarnanical,  the  Ethiopian,  the  Jewish,  the  Scandinavian,  the  Druidi- 
cal,  the  Mexican,  and  Peruvian. 


IT 

The  germ  of  these  sacerdotal  corporations  Is  found  in  the  savage  state,  and 
exists  there  in  that  formidable  personage  called  a  jongleur,  juggler,  or  conjurer. 
But  as  the  tribe  or  people  advances,  the  juggler  becomes  a  priest  and  the  mem- 
ber of  a  corporation.  These  sacerdotul  corporations  are  variously  organized, 
but  everywhere  oiganized  for  the  purpose,  as  that  arch  rebel,  Thomas  Paine, 
says,  "  of  monopolizing  power  and  profit."  Ttif  effort  is  unceasing  to  elevate 
them  as  far  above  the  people  as  possible,  to  enable  them  to  exert  the  greatest 
possible  control  over  the  people,  and  to  derive  the  greatest  possible  profit  from 
the  people. 

Now  if  we  glance  over  the  history  of  the  world,  we  shall  find,  that  at  the 
epoch  of  corning  out  of  the  savage  state,  these  corporations  are  usually  institu- 
ted. We  find  them  among  every  people ;  and  among  every  people,  at  thi» 
epoch,  they  are  the  dominant  power,  ruling  with  an  iron  despotism.  The  real 
idea  at  the  bottom  of  these  institutions,  is  the  control  of  individual  freedom  by 
moral  laws,  the  assertion  of  the  supremacy  of  moral  power  over  physical  force 
— a  great  truth,  end  one  which  can  never  be  too  strenuously  insisted  on  ;  but 
a  truth  which  at  this  epoch  can  only  enslave  the  mass  of  the  people  to  its  pro-- 
fessed  representatives,  the  priests.  Through  awe  of  the  gods,  through  fear  of 
divine  displeasure,  and  dread  of  the  unforseen  chastisements  that  displeasure 
may  inflict,  and  by  pretending,  honestly  or  not,  to  possess  the  secret  of  averting 
it,  and  of  rendering  the  gods  propitious,  the  priests  are  able  to  reduce  the  peo- 
ple to  the  most  wretched  subjection,  and  to  keep  them  there ;  at  least  fur  a 
time. 

But  these  institutions  must  naturally  be  jealous  of  power  and  ambitious  of 
confining  it  to  as  few  hands  as  possible.  If  the  sacerdotal  corporations  were 
thrown  open  to  all  the  world,  nil  the  world  would  rush  into  them,  and  then  there 
would  be  no  advantage  in  being  a  priest.  Hence  the  number  who  may  be 
priests  must  be  limited.  Hence  again  a  distinction  of  clean  and  unclean  is  in- 
troduced. Men  can  be  admitted  into  these  corporations  only  as  they  descend 
from  the  priestly  race.  As  in  India,  no  man  can  aspire  to  the  priesthood  un- 
less of  Braminical  descent,  and  among  the  Jews  unless  he  be  of  the  tribe  of 
Levi.  The  priestly  race  was  the  ruling  race ;  it  dealt  with  science,  it  held 
comnnunion  with  the  gods,  and  therefore  was  the  purer  race.  The  races  ex- 
cluded from  *he  priesthood  were  not  only  regarded  as  inferior,  but  as  unclean. 
The  Gibeonite  to  a  Jew  was  both  an  inferior  and  an  impure.  The  operation 
of  the  principles  involved  in  these  considerations,  has,  in  our  judgment,  begun 
and  effected  the  slavery  of  the  great  mass  of  the  people,  ft  has  introduced 
distinctions  of  blood  or  race,  founded  privileged  orders,  and  secured  the  re- 
wards of  industry  to  the  few,  while  it  has  reduced  the  mass  to  the  most  degrad- 
ing and  hopeless  bondage. 

Now  the  great  mass  enslaved  by  the  sacerdotal  corporations  are  not  eman- 
cipated by  the  victories  which  follow  by  the  warrior  caste,  even  when  those 
Victories  are  said  to  be  in  behalf  of  freedom.  The  mil'tay  order  succeeds 
the  priestly  ;  but  in  establishing,  as  it  does  in  Greece  and  Rome,  the  supre- 
macy of  the  state  over  the  church,  it  leaves  the  great  mass  in  the  bondage  in 
which  it  finds  them.  The  Normans  conquer  England,  but  they  scarcely  touch 
the  condition  of  the  old  Saxon  bondmen.  The  Polish  serf  lost  his  freedom, 
before  began  the  Russian  dominion,  and  he  would  have  recovered  none  of  it, 
had  Poland  regained,  in  her  late  struggle,  her  former  political  independence. 
The  subjection  of  a  nation  is  in  general  merely  depriving  one  class  of  its  popu- 
lation of  its  exclusive  right  to  enslave  the  people  ;  and  the  recovery  of  political 
independence  is  little  else  than  the  recovery  of  this  right.  The  Germans  call 


1* 

their  r  rfig  agtuAot  Napoleon  a  rising  for  liberty,  and  so-  it  wa'3,  liberty  for  Ger- 
man princwi  and  German  nobles;  but  the  German  people  were  more  free  un- 
der Napoleon  *  supremacy  than  they  are  now,  or  will  be  very  soon.  Conquest 
may  undoubtedly  increase  the  number  of  slaves ;  but  in  general  it  merely  adds 
to  the  number  and  power  of  the  middle  class.  It  institutes  a  new  nobility,  and 
degrades  the  oidto  the  rank  of  commoners.  This  is  its  general  effect.  We 
cannot  therefore  abcnbu  to1  conquest,  as  we  did  in  a  former  number  of  this 
journal,  the  condition  in  which  the  working  classes  are  universally  found* 
They  have  been  reduced  to  their  condition  by  the  priest,  not  by  the  military 
chieftain. 

Mankind  came  out  of  the  savage  state  by  means  of  the  priests.  Priests  are 
the  first  civil izers  of  the  race.  For  the  wild  freedom  of  the  savage,  they  sub. 
stitute  the  iron  despotism  of  the  theocrat.  This  is  the  first  step  in  civilization, 
in  man's  career  of  progress.  It  is  not  strange  tlven  that  some  should  prefer 
the  savage  state  to  the  civilized.  Who  would  not  rather  roam  the  forest  with  a 
free  step  and  unshackled  limb,  though- exposed  to  hunger,  cold,  and  nakedness, 
than  crouch  an  abject  slave  beneath  the  whip  of  the  master  ?  As  yet  civiliza- 
tion has  done  little  but  break  and  subdue  man's  natural  love  of  freedom ;  but 
tame  his  wild  and  eagle  spirit.  In  what  a  world  does  maty  even  now  find  him- 
self,  when  he  first  awakes  and  feels  some  of  the  workings  of  his  manly  nature  ? 
He  is  in  a  cold,  damp,  dark  dungeon,  and  loaded  all  over  with  chains,  with  the 
iron  entering  into  his  very  soul.  H.?  cannot  make  one  single  free  movement. 
The  priest  holds  his  conscience,  fashion  controls  his  tastes,  and  society  with  her 
forces  invades  the  very  sanctuary  of  his  heart,  and  takes  command  of  his  love, 
that  which  is  purest  and  best  in  bis  nature,  which  alone  gives  reality  to  his  exist- 
ence,  and  from  which  proceeds  the  only  ray  which  pierces  the  gloom  of  his 
prison-house, ;  Even  that  he  cannot  enjoy  in  peace  and  quietness,  nor  scarcely 
at  all.  He  is  wounded  on  every  side,  in  every  part  of  his  being,  in  every  rela- 
tion in  life,  in  every  idea  of  his  mind,  in  every  sentiment  of  his  heart.  O,  it  is 
a  sad  world,  a  sad  world  to  the  young  soul  just  awakening  to  its  diviner  in- 
stincts !  A  sad  world  to  him  who  is-  not  gifted  with  the  only  blessing  which 
seems  compatible  with  life  as  it  is — absoki-te  insensibility.  But  no-  matter.  A 
wise  man  never  murmurs.  He  never  kicks  against  the  pricks.-  What  is  is, 
and  there  i«  an  end  of  it ;  what  can-  be  may  be,  and  we  will  do  what  we  can  to 
make  life  what  it  ought  to  be.  Though  man's  first  step  in  civilization  is  sla- 
very, hi*  last  stfp  shall  be  freedom.  The  free  soul  can  never  be  wholly  sub- 
dued ;  the  etherial  fire  in  man's  nature  may  be  smothered,  but  it  cannot  be  ex- 
tinguished. Down,  down  deep  m  the  centre  of  his  heart  it  burns  inextinguisha- 
ble and  forever,  glowing  intenser  with  the  accumulating  heat  of  centuries  ;  and 
one  day  the  whole  mass  of  Humanity  shall  become  ignited,  and  be  full  of  fire 
within  and  all  over,  as  a  live  coal ;  and  then— slavery,  and  whatever  is  foreign 
to-  the  soul  itself,  shall  be  consumed. 

But,  having  traced  the  inequality  we  complain  of  to  its  origin,  we  proceed  to 
ask  again  what  is  the  remedy  1  The  remedy  is  first  to  be  sought  in  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  priest.  We  are  not  more  destructives.  We  delight  not  in  pulling 
down  ;  but  tbe  bad  must  b^  removed  before  the  good  can  be  introduced.  Con- 
viction and  repentance  precede  regeneration.  Mo >  cover  we  are  Christians, 
and  it  is  only  by  following  out  the  Christian  law,  and  the  example  of  the  early 
Christians,  that  we  can  hope  to  effect  anything.  Christianity  is  the  sublimest 
protest  against  the  priesthood  ever  uttered,  and  a  protest  utterod  by  both  God 
and  man  ;  for  he  who  uttered  it  was  God-rnan.  In  the  person  of  Jesus  both 
God  and  man  protest  against  the  priesthood.  What  was  the  mission  of  Jesus 


id 

but  a  solemn  summons  of  every  priesthood  on  earth  to  judgment,  and  of  the 
human  race  to  freedom  ?  He  discomfited  the  learned  doctors,  and  with  whips 
of  small  cords  drove  the  priests,  degenerated  into  mere  money-changers,  from 
the  temple  of  God.  He  instituted  himself  no  priesthood,  no  form  of  religious 
worship.  He  recognized  no  priest  but  a  holy  life,  and  commanded  the  con- 
struction  of  no  temple  but  that  of  the  pure  heart.  He  preached  no  formal 
religion,  enjoined  no  creed,  set  apart  no  day  for  religious  worship.  He 
r  reached  fraternal  love,  peace  on  earth,  and  good  will  to  men.  He  came  to 
the  sou'  enslaved,  "  cabined,  cribbed,  confined,"  to  the  poor  child  of  mortality, 
bound  hand  and  foot,  unable  to  move,  and  said  in  the  tones  of  a  God,  «*  Be  free  ; 
be  enlarged ;  be  there  room  for  thee  to  grow,  expand,  and  overflow  with  the 
love  thou  wast  made  to  overflow  with." 

In  the  name  of  Jesus  we  admit  there  has  been  a  priesthood  instituted,  and 
considering  how  the  world  went,  a  priesthood  could  not  but  be  instituted  ;  but 
the  religion  of  Jesus  repudiates  it.  It  recognizes  no  medi;«tor  between  God 
and  man  but  him  who  dies  on  the  cross  to  redeem  man  ;  no  propition  for  sin  but 
a  pure  love,  which  rises  in  a  living  flame  to  all  that  is  beautiful  and  good,  and 
spreads  out  in  li^ht  and  warmth  for  all  the  chilled  and  benighted  sons  of  mor- 
tality. In  calling  every  man  to  be  a  priest,  it  virtually  condemns  every  possible 
priesthood,  and  in  recognising  the  religion  of  the  new  covenant,  the  religion 
written  on  the  heart,  of  a  law  put  within  the  soul,  it  abolishes  all  formal  wor- 
ship. 

The  priest  is  universally  a  tyrant,  universally  the  enslaver  of  his  brethren, 
and  thereforo  it  is  Christianity  condemns  him.  It  could  not  prevent  the  re-esta- 
blishment of  a  hierarchy,  but  it  prepared  for  its  ultimate  destruction,  by  denying 
the  inequality  of  blood,  by  representing  all  men  as  equal  before  God,  and  by  in- 
sisting on  the  celibacy  of  the  clergy.  The  best  feature  of  the  Church  was  in  its 
denial  to  the  clergy  of  the  right  to  marry.  By  this  it  prevented  the  new  hie- 
rarchy from  becoming  hereditary,  as  were  the  old  sacerdotal  corporations  of 
India  and  Judea. 

We  object  to  no  religious  instruction  ;  we  object  not  to  the  gathering  toge- 
ther of  the  people  on  one  day  in  seven,  to  sing  and  pray,  and  listen  to  a  discourse 
from  a  religious  teacher ;  but  we  object  to  everything  like  an  outward,  visible 
church ;  to  evefy  thing  that  in  the  remotest  degree  partakes  of  the  priest.  A 
priest  is  one  who  stands  as  a  sort  of  mediator  between  God  and  man  ;  but  we 
have  one  mediator,  Jesus  Christ,  who  gave  himself  a  ransom  for  all,  and  that  is 
enough.  It  may  be  supposed  that  we,  protestants,  have  no  priests  ;  but  for  our- 
selves we  know  no  fundamental  difference  between  a  catholic  priest  and  a  pro- 
testant  clergyman,  as  we  know  no  difference  of  any  magnitude,  in  relation  to 
the  principles  on  which  they  are  based,  between  a  protestant  church  and  the 
catholic  church.  Both  are  based  upon  the  principle  of  authority ;  both  deny  in 
fact,  however  it  may  be  in  manner,  the  authority  of  reason,  and  war  against 
freedom  of  mind  ;  both  substitute  dead  works  for  true  righteousness,  a  vain  show 
for  ihe  rea'ity  of  piety,  and  are  sustained  as  the  means  of  reconciling  us  to  God 
without  requiring  us  to  become  Godlike.  Both  therefore  ought  to  go  by  the 
board. 

We  may  offend  in  what  we  say,  but  we  cannot  help  that.  We  insist  upon  it, 
that  the  complete  and  final  destruction  of  the  priestly  order,  in  every  practical 
senst^  of  the  word  priest,  is  the  firs'  step  to  be  taken  towards  elevating  the  labor- 
ing classes.  Priests  are,  in  their  capacity  of  priest,  necessarily  enemies  to  free- 
dom  and  equality.  All  reasoning  demonstrates  this,  and  all  history  proves  it. 
There  must  be  no  class  of  men  set  apart  und  authorized,  either  by  law  or  fashion, 


to  speak  to  us  in  the  name  of  God,  or  to  be  interpreters  of  the  word  of  God, 
The  word  of  God  never  drops  from  the  priest's  li|»s.  He  who  redeemed  man 
did  not  spring  from  the  priestly  class,  for  it  is  evident  that  our  Lord  sprang  out 
of  Judea,  of  which  tribe  Moses  spake  nothing  concerning  the  priesthood.  Who 
in  met  were  the  authors  of  the  Bible,  the  book  which  Christendom  professes  to 
receive  as  the  word  of  God  ?  The  priests  ?  Nay,  they  were  the  inveterate 
foes  of  the  priests.  No  man  ever  berated  the  priests  more  soundly  than  <iid  Jere- 
miah and  Ezekiel.  And  who  were  they  who  heard  Jesus  the  most  gladly  ?  The 
priests  ?  The  chief  priests  were  at  the  head  of  those  who  demanded  his  cruci- 
fixion. In  every  age  the  priests,  the  authorized  teaehers  of  religion,  are  the 
first  to  oppose  the  true  prophet  of  God,  and  to  condemn  his  prophecies  as  bias, 
phemies.  They  are  always  a  let  and  a  hindrance  to  the  spread  of  truth.  Why 
then  retain  them  ?  Why  not  abolish  the  priestly  office  ?  Why  continue  to  sus- 
tain what  the  whole  history  of  man  condemns  as  the  greatest  of  all  obstacles  to 
intellectual  and  social  progrsss. 

We  say  again,  we  have  no  objection  to  teachers  of  religion,  as  snch  ;  but  let  us 
have  no  class  of  men  whose  profession  it  is  to  minister  at  the  altar.  Let  us  leave  this 
matter  to  Providence.  When  God  raises  up  a  prophet,  let  that  prophet  prophecy  &a 
God  gives  him  utterance.  Let  every  man  speak  out  of  his  own  full  heart,  as  he  is 
moved  by  the  Holy  Ghost,  but  let  us  have  none  to  prophecy  for  hire,  to  make  preach- 
ing a  profession,  a  means  of  gaining  a  livelihood.  Whoever  has  a  word  pressing  up- 
oa  his  heart  for  utterance,  let  him  utter  it,  in  the  stable,  the  market-place,  the  street, 
in  the  grove,  under  the  open  canopy  of  heaven,  in  the  lowly  cottage,  or  the  lordly 
hall.  No  matter  Vrho  or  what  he  is,  whether  a  graduate  of  a  college,  a  shepherd  from 
the  hill  side**,  or  a  rustic  from  the  plough.  If  tie  feels  himself  called  upon  to  go  forth 
in  the  name  of  God,  he  will  speak  words  of  truth  and  power,  for  which  Humanity 
shall  fare  the  better.  But  none  of  your  hireling  priests,  your  "  dumb  dogs"  that  will 
not  bark.  What  are  the  priests  of  Christendom  as  they  now  are  ?  Miserable  pan- 
ders to  the  prejudices  of  the  age,  loud  in  condemning  sins  nobody  is  guilty  of,  but 
silent  as  the  grave  when  it  concerns  the  crying-  sin  of  the  times ;  bold  as  bold  can  be 
when  there  is  no  danger,  but  miserable  cowards  whon  it  is  necessary  to  speak  out  for 
God  and  outraged  Humanity.  As  a  body  they  never  preach  a  truth  till  there  is  none 
whom  it  will  indict.  Never  do  they  as  a  body  venture  to  condemn  sin  in  the  concrete, 
and  make  each  sinner  feel  "thou  art  the  man."  When  the  prophets  of  God  have 
risen  up  and  proclaimed  the  word  of  God,  and,  after  persecution  and  death,  led  the 
people  to  acknowledge  it  to  be  the  word  of  God,  then  your  drivelling  priest  comes 
forward,  and  owns  it  to  be  a  truth,  and  cries,  "  cursed  of  God  and  man  is  he  who  be- 
lieves it  not."  But  enough.  The  imbecility  of  an  organized  priesthood,  of  a  hireling 
clergy,  for  all  good,  and  its  power  only  to  demoralize  the  people  and  misdirect  their 
energies,  is  beginning  to  be  seen,  and  will  one  day  be  acknowledged.  Men  are  be- 
ginning  to  speak  out  on  this  subject*  and  the  day  of  reckoning  is  approaching.  The 
people  are  rising  up  and  asking  of  these  priests  whom  they  have  fed,  clothed,  honored, 
and  followed,  What  have  ye  done  for  I  he  poor  and  friendless,  to  destroy  oppression, 
and  establish  the  kingdom  of  God  on  earth  ?  A  fearful  question  for  you,  O  ye  priests, 
which  we  leave  you  to  answer  as  best  ye  may. 

The  next  step  in  this  work  of  elevating  the  working  classes  will  be  to 
resuscitate  the  Christianity  of  Christ  The  Christianity  of  the  Church  has  done 
its  work.  We  have  had  enough  of  that  Christianity.  It  is  poweiless  for  good, 
but  by  no  means  powerless  for  evil.  It  now  unmans  us  and  hinders  the  growth 
of  God's  kingdom.  The  moral  energy  which  is  awakened  it  misdirects,  and 
makes  its  deluded  disciples  believe  that  they  have  done  their  duty  to  God  when 
they  have  joined  the  church,  offered  a  prayer,  sung  a  psalm,  and  contributed  of 
their  means  to  send  out  a  missionary  to  preach  unintelligible  dogmas  U  the  poor 
heathen,  who,  God  knows,  have  unintelligible  dogmas  enough  already,  and  more 
than  enough.  All  this  must  be  abandoned,  and  Chiistrariity,  as  it  came  from 
Christ,  be  taken  up  and  preached  in  simplicity  and  in  power. 


21 

According  to  the  Christianity  of  Christ,  no  man  can  enter  the  kingdom  of 
God  who  does  not  labor  with  all  zeal  and  diligence  to  establish  the  kingdom  of 
God  on  the  earth ;  who  does  not  labour  to  bring  down  the  high,  and  bring  up  the 
low  ;  to  break  the  fetters  of  the  bound  and  set  the  captive  free ;  to  destroy  all  op- 
pression, establish  the  reign  of  justice,  which  is  the  reign  of  equality,  between 
man  and  man ;  to  introduce  new  heavens  and  a  new  earth,  wherein  dwelleth 
righteousness,  wherein  all  shall  be  as  brothers,  loving  one  another,  and  no  one 
possessing  what  another  lacketh.  No  man  can  be  a  Christian  who  does  not 
labour  to  reform  society,  to  mould  it  according  to  the  will  of  God  and  the 
nature  of  man  ;  so  that  free  scope  shall  be  given  to  every  man  to  unfold  himself  in 
all  beauty  and  power,  and  to  grow  up  into  the  stature  of  a  perfect  man  in  Christ 
Jesus.  No  man  can  be  a  Christian  who  does  not  refrain  from  all  practices  by 
which  the  rich  grow  richer  and  the  poor  poorer,  and  who  does  not  do  all  in  his 
power  to  elevate  the  labouring  classes,  so  that  one  man  shall  not  be  doomed  to 
toil  while  another  enjoys  the  fruits;  so  that  each  man  shall  be  free  and  independ- 
ent, sitting  under  "  his  own  vine  and  figtree  with  none  to  molest  or  to  make 
afraid."  /We  grant  the  power  of  Christianity  in  working  out  the  reform  we  de- 
mand ;  we  agree  that  one  of  the  most  efficient  means^Lelevating  the  workingmen 
is  to  christianize  the  community.  But  you  must  cmWianize  it.  It  is  the  gospel 
of  Jesus  you  must  preach,  and  not  the  gospel  of  the  priests.  Preach  the  Gospel 
of  Jesus,  and  that  will  turn  every  man's  attention  to  the  crying  evil  we  have 
designated,  and  will  arm  every  Christian  with  power  to  effect  those  changes  in 
social  arrangements,  which  shall  secure  to  all  men  the  equality  of  nosition  and 
condition  which  it  is  already  acknowledged  they  possess  in  relation  to  their 
rights.  But  let  it  be  the  genuine  Gospel  that  you  preach,  and  not  that  pseudo- 

fospel  which  lulls  the  conscience  asleep,  and  permits  men  to  feel  that  they  may 
e  servants  of  God  while  they  are  slaves  to  tne  world,  the  flesh,  and  the  devil ; 
and  while  they  ride  roughshod  over  the  hearts  of  their  prostrate  brethren.  We 
must  preach  no  gospel  that  permits  men  10  feel  that  they  are  honourable  men  and 
good  Christians,  although  rich  and  with  eyes  standing  out  with  fatness,  while  the 
great  mass  of  iheir  brethren  are  suffering  from  iniquitous  laws,  from  mischievous 
social  arrangements,  and  pining  away  for  the  want  of  the  refinements  and  even 
the  necessaries  of  life. 

We  speak  strongly  and  pointedly  on  this  subject,  because  we  are  desirous  of 
arresting  attention.  We  would  draw  the  public  attention  to  the  striking  contrast 
which  actually  exists  between  the  Christianity  of  Christ,  and  the  Christianity  of 
the  church.  That  moral  and  intellectual  energy  which  exists  in  our  country, 
indeed  throughout  Christendom,  and  which  would,  if  rightly  directed,  transform 
this  wilderness  world  into  a  blooming  paradise  of  God,  is  now,  by  the  pseudo- 
gospel  which  is  preached,  rendered  wholly  inefficient,  by  being  wasted  on  that 
which,  even  if  effected,  would  leave  all  the  crying  evils  of  the  timgs  untouched. 
Under  the  influence  of  the  church,  our  efforts  are  not  directed  to  thq  reorganization 
of  society,  to  the  introduction  of  equality  between  man  and  man,  to  the  removal  of 
the  corruptions  of  the  rich,  and  the  wretchedness  of  the  poor.  We  think  only  of 
saving  our  own  souls,  as  if  a  man  must  not  put  himself  so  out  of  the  case,  as  to 
be  willing  to  be  damned  before  he  can  be  saved.  Paul  was  willing  to  be  accursed 
from  Christ  to  save  his  brethren  from  the  vengeance  which  hung  over  them. 
But  nevertheless  we  think  only  of  saving  our  own  souls  ;  or  if  perchance  our 
benevolence  is  awakened,  and  we  think  it  desirable  to  labour  for  the  salvation  of 
others,  it  is  merely  to  save  them  from  imaginary  sins  and  the  tortures  of  an  ima- 
ginary hell.  The  redemption  of  the  world  is  understood  to  mean  simply  the 
restoration  of  mankind  to  the  favour  of  God  in  the  world  to  come.  Their 
redemption  from  the  evils  of  inequality,  of  factitious  distinctions,  and  iaiquitous 
social  institutions,  counts  for  nothing  in  the  eyes  of  the  church.  And  this  is  its 
condemnation. 

We  cannot  proceed  a  single  step,  with  the  least  safety,  in  the  great  work  of  ele- 
vating the  laboring  classes,  without  the  exaltation  of  sentiment,  the  generous  sym- 
pathy, and  the  moral  courage  which  Christianity  alone  is  fitted  to  produce  or  quick- 
en. But  it  is  lamentable  to  see  how,  by  means  of  the  mistakes  of  the  Church,  the 


moral  courage,  the  generous  sympathy,  the  exaltation  of  sentiment,  Christianity 
does  not  actually  produce  or  quicken,  is  perverted,  and  made  efficient  only  in  pro- 
ducing evil,  or  hindering  the  growth  of  good.  Here  is  wherefore  it  is  necessary  on 
the  one  hand  to  condemn  i»  the  most  pointed  terms  the  Christianity  of  the  Church, 
and  to  bring  out  on  the  other  hand  in  all  its  clearness,  brilliancy,  and  glory,  the 
Christianity  of  Christ. 

Having,  by  breaking  down  the  power  of  the  priesthood  and  the  Christianity  of  the 
priestn,  obtained  an  open  field  and  freedom  for  our  operations,  and  by  preaching  the 
true  Gospel  of  Jesus,  directed  all  minds  to  the  great  social  reform  needed,  and  quick- 
ened in  all  souls  the  moral  power  to  live  for  it  or  to  die  for  it ;  our  next  resort  must 
be  to  government,  to  legislative  enactments.  Government  is  instituted  to  be  the 
agent  of  society,  or  more  properly  the  organ  through  which  society  may  perform  its 
legitimate  fuctions.  It  is  not  the  master  of  society  ;  its  business  is  not  to  control 
society,  but  to  be  the  organ  through  which  society  effects  its  will.  Society  has  never 
to  petition  government ;  government  is  its  servant,  and  subject  to  its  commands. 

Now  the  evils  of  which  we  have  complained  are  of  a  social  nature.  That  is,  they 
have  their  root  in  the  constitution  of  society  as  it  is,  and  they  have  attained  to  their 
present  growth  by  means  of  social  influences,  the  action  of  government,  of  laws,  and 
of  systems  and  institutions  upheld  by  society,  and  of  which  individuals  are  the  slaves. 
This  being  the  case,  it  is  evident  that  they  are  to  be  removed  only  by  the  action  of 
society,  that  is,  by  government,  for  the  action  of  society  is  government. 

But  what  shall  government  do  1  Its  first  doin<£  must  be  an  wndoing.  There  has 
been  thus  far  quite  too  much  government,  as  well  as  government  of  the  wrong  kind. 
The  first  act  of  government  we  want,  is  a  still  further  limitation  of  itself.  It  must 
begin  by  circumscribing  within  narrower  limits  its  powers.  And  then  it  must  pro- 
ceed to  repeal  all  laws  which  bear  against  the  laboring  classes,  and  then  to  enact 
such  laws  as  are  necessary  to  enable  them  to  maintain  their  equality,  We  have  no 
faith  in  those  systems  of  elevating  the  working  classes,  which  propose  to  elevate 
them  without  calling  in  the  aid  of  government.  We  must  have  government,  and 
legislation  expressly  directed  to  this  end. 

But  again*  what  legislation  do  we  want  so  far  as  this  country  is  concerned?  We 
want  first  the  legislation  which  shall  free  the  government,  whether  State  or  Federal, 
from  the  control  of  the  Banks.  The  Banks  represent  the  interest  of  the  employer, 
and  therefore  of  necessity  interests  adverse  to  those  of  the  employed  ;  that  is,  they 
represent  the  interests  of  the  business  community  in  opposition  to  the  laboring  com- 
munlty.  So  long  as  the  government  remains  under  the  control  of  the  Banks,  so  long 
it  must  be  in  the  hands  of  the  natural  enemies  of  the  laboring  classes,  and  may  be 
made,  nay,  will  be  made,  an  instrument  of  depressing  them  yet  lower,  It  is  obvious 
then,  that  if  our  object  be  the  elevation  of  the  laboring  classes,  we  must  destroy  the 
power  of  the  Banks  over  the  government,  and  place  the  government  in  the  hands  of 
the  laboring  classes  themselves,  or  in  the  hands  of  those,  if  such  there  be,  who  have 
an  idenity  of  interest  with  them.  But  this  cannot  be  done  so  long  as  the  Banks 
exist.  Such  is  the  subtle  influence  of  credit,  and  such  the  power  of  capital,  that  a 
banking  system  like  ours,  if  sustained,  necessarily  and  inevitably  becomes  the  real  and 
efficient  government  of  the  country.  We  have  been  struggling  for  ten  years  in  this 
country  against  the  power  of  the  Banks,  struggling  to  free  merely  the  Federal  go- 
vern.nent  from  their  grasp,  but  with  humiliating  success.  At  this  moment,  the  con- 
test is  almost  doubtful, — not  indeed  in  our  mind,  but  in  the  minds  of  no  small  portion 
of  our  countrymen.  The  partizans  of  the  Banks  count  on  certain  victory.  The 
Banks  discount  freely  to  build  "  log  cabin  •,"  to  purchase  "  hard  cider,"  and  to  defray 
the  expense  of  manufacturing  er  thusiasm  for  a  cause  which  is  at  war  with  the  inter- 
ests of  the  people.  That  they  will  succeed,  we  do  not  for  one  moment  believe  ;  but 
that  they  could  maintain  the  struggle  so  long,  and  be  as  strong  as  they  now  are,  at 
the  end  of  ten  years  constant  hostility,  proves  but  all  too  well  the  power  of  the 
Banks,  and  their  fatal  influence  on  the  political  action  of  the  community.  T^he  pre- 
sent  character,  standing,  and  resources  of  the  Bank  party,  prove  to  a  demonstration 
that  the  Banks  must  be  destroyed,  or  the  laborer  not  elevated.  Uncompromising-  hos- 
tility to  the  whole  banking  system  should  therefore  be  the  motto  of  every  working 
man,  and  of  every  friend  of  humanity.  The  system  must  be  destroyed.  On  this  point 
there  must  be  no  misgiving,  no  subterfuge*  no  paliation.  The  system  is  at  war  with 


23 

the  rights  and  interest  of  labor,  and  it  must  go.  Every  friend  of  the  system  must  be 
marked  as  an  enemy  to  his  race,  to  his  country*  and  especially  to  the  laborer.  No 
matter  who  he  is,  in  what  party  he  is  found,  or  what  name  he  bears,  he  is,  in  our 
judgment,  no  true  democrat,  as  he  can  be  no  true  Christian. 

Following  the  destruction  of  the  Banks,  must  come  that  of  all  monopolies,  of  all 
PRIVILEGE.  Theie  are  many  of  these.  We  cannot  specify  them  all ;  we  therefore 
select  only  one,  the  greatest  of  them  all,  the  privilege  which  some  have  of  being 
born  rich  while  others  are  born  poor.  It  will  be  seen  at  once  that  we  allude  to  the 
hereditary  descent  of  property,  an  anomaly  in  our  American  system  which  must  be 
removed,  or  the  system  itself  will  bedestroyed.  We  cannot  now  go  into  a  discus- 
sion of  this  subject,  but  we  promise  to  resume  it  at  our  earliest  opportunity.  We 
only  say  now,  that  as  we  have  abolished  hereditary'monarchy  and  hereditary  nobility, 
we  must  complete  the  work  by  abolishing  hereditary  property.  A  man  shall  have  all  he 
honestly  acquires,  so  long  as  he  himself  belongs  to  the  world  in  which  he  acquires  it. 
But  his  power  over  his  property  must  cease  with  his  life,  and  his  property  must  then  be- 
come theproperty  of  the  state,  to  be  disposed  of  by  some  equitable  law  for  the  use  of  the 
generation  which  takes  his  place.  Here  is  the  principle  without  any  of  its  details,  and 
this  is  the  grand  legislative  measure  to  which  we  look  forward.  We  see  no  means 
of  elevating  the  laboring  classes  which  can  be  effectual  without  this.  And  is  this  a 
measure  to  be  easily  carried?  Not  at  all.  It  will  cost  infinitely  more  than  it  cost 
to  abolish  either  hereditary  monarchy  or  hereditary  nobility.  It  is  a  great  measure, 
and  a  startling  one.  The  rich,  the  business  community,  will  never  voluntarily  con- 
sent to  it,  and  we  think  we  know  too  much  of  human  nature  to  believe  that  it  will 
ever  be  effected  peaceably.  It  will  be  effected  only  by  the  strong  arm  of  physical 
force.  It  will  come,  if  it  ever  come  at  all,  only  at  the  conclusion  of  war,  the  like  of 
whhh  the  world  as  yet  has  never  witnessed,  and  from  which,  however  inevitable  it 
may  seem  to  the  eye  of  philosophy,  the  heart  of  Humanity  recoils  with  horror. 

We  are  not  ready  for  t  iis  measure  yet.  There  is  much  previous  work  to  be  done, 
and  we  should  be  the  last  to  bring  it  before  the  legislature.  The  time,  however,  has 
come  for  its  free  and  full  discussion.  It  must  be  canvassed  in  the  public  mind,  and 
society  prepared  for  acting  on  it.  No  doubt  they  who  broach  it,  end  especially  they 
who  support  it,  will  experience  a  due  share  of  contumely  and  abuse.  They  will  be 
regarded  by  the  part  of  the  community  they  oppose,  or  may  be  thought  to  oppose,  as 
"  graceless  varlets,"  against  whom  every  man  of  substance  should  set  his  face.  But 
this  is  not,  after  all,  a  thing  to  disturb  a  wise  man,  nor  to  deter  a  true  man  from  tell- 
ing his  whole  thought.  He  who  is  worthy  of  the  name  of  man  speaks  what  he 
honestly  believes  the  interests  of  his  race  demand,  and  seldoms  disquiets  himself 
about  what  may  be  the  consequences  to  himself.  Men  have,  for  what  they  believed 
the  cause  of  God  or  man,  endured  the  dungeon,  the  scaffold,  the  stake,  the  cross,  and 
they  can  do  it  again,  if  need  be.  This  subject  must  be  freely,  boldly,  and  fully  dis- 
cussed, whatever  may  be  the  fate  of  those  who  discuss  it.  EDI  roR> 


APFLEfcATE,   PRINTER,    17    ANN    STREET. 


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